1 10 4 https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/20bd90c189a6a660a6de65ab2bfd0080.jpg 60eabc468fee1f9c4acc21ff20f0c17d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fig. 1. A bronze sestertius commemorating Domitian, thought to depict on its reverse the equestrian statue from the Forum Romanum. SC in the exergue denotes approval by the Senate of Rome. The obverse bears a portrait of Domitian in profile. British Museum 1978.1021.5 Source: BMC 476, https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1200561&partId=1&images=true https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/3062f6284921c21d4c61086faa958af5.jpg 656cc8aaf4dcf6cbeece58170fd568d2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fig. 2. Portrait bust of Domitian in the Capitoline Museum, Rome. Photograph by author. https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/9cb2b1d51c27b2183960ec4409a0d000.jpg 94d4301eec41f62e35303b389de6b42c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fig. 3. Equestrian Statue of Marcus Aurelius. Palazzo dei Conservatori. Capitoline Museum, Rome. Photograph by author. https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/f2f32ebdd23cf054bad546b5150a4c87.jpg db310e728124c272f85c9d29397350d4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fig. 4. Pirro Ligorio's drawings of three Flavian coins depicting the emperors on horseback. https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/b945148db261972ce14b101cb89bdbde.jpg ee8bf2eecb29377d8bed0fa64524137c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fig. 5. Detail of Pirro Ligorio's smaller, more condensed 1552 map showing the Equestrian Statue of Marcus Aurelius but not the Equus Domitiani https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/3505de3b3cac024dd9eb23f802b01324.jpg 53152960e7d065e5bb4c1e304734260e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fig. 6. Filippo de' Rossi's image of the Capitolium. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Equus Domitiani Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource J. Cody Houseman Description An account of the resource At the center of the early Renaissance artist and antiquarian Pirro Ligorio's 1561 engraved map of Rome is the historic Roman Forum (inscribed Forum Romanum), and there the artist situated an unassuming version of the Equus Domitiani ("Horse of Domitian"). Contrary to Ligorio's depiction, the so-called Equus Domitiani stood as a grandiose gilt bronze equestrian statue celebrating Rome's eleventh emperor Domitian (r. 81-96 C.E.) during the final years of his principate. This article demonstrates that Pirro Ligorio used not art historical or archaeological evidence, such as coins and similar finds incorporated elsewhere in the map, but Silvae 1.1 by the Latin poet Statius as his primary source for inclusion of the Equus Domitiani into his 1561 Anteiquae Urbis Imago. The Senate and People of Rome dedicated the monument in the center of the Forum probably between the years 89 and 91 C.E. in honor of the emperor's military campaigns against the Germanic Chatti and Dacian people. As honorific monuments, equestrian statues consisted of a horse and a full-body portrait statue commemorating an individual as the ideal rider, usually an emperor, general, or prominent official. The reverse of a rare bronze sestertius minted under the principate of Domitian is thought to represent this now lost statue (Fig. 1. British Museum 1978.1021.5; RIC 2.1 797, p.324). This coin depicts Domitian on horseback raising his right hand forward in a gesture interpreted as the imperial virtue of clementia (clemency), while in his left hand he holds a faintly discernible statuette of his patron deity Minerva. The fate of Domitian's statue is uncertain, but it most likely was destroyed or reused in or after the year 96 C.E. following the assassination of the emperor, the condemnation of his memory by the Senate, and the subsequent widespread destruction or reuse of his images and inscriptions. From antiquity the statue survives primarily through a Latin poem written under Domitian's principate. One of the imperial court poets Publius Papinius Statius composed a 107-line dactylic hexameter poem simply titled Silvae 1.1 (or possibly Ecus Maximus) about this statue. According to the ancient preface to these poems, Statius recited Silvae 1.1 at the dedication ceremony for the statue in Domitian's presence. In Silvae 1.1 (lines 15-18) Statius describes Domitian’s portrait statue that served as the equestrian rider: <blockquote>“One rejoices to look on the face mixed with signs of war and bearing gentle peace. Nor should you think greater of the true (face): it is equal in appearance and glory, equal in honor.” iuvat ora tueri mixta notis belli placidamque gerentia pacem. nec veris maiora putes: par forma decorque, par honor.</blockquote> The obverse of the equestrian sestertius (Fig. 1) portrays a stern profile of Domitian wearing the general's military cloak (chlamys) as described by Statius. A marble portrait of Domitian from the Musei Capitolini in Rome approximates the sculptural physiognomy and possibly the facial expression to be expected from Domitian’s portrait in the round (Fig. 2; Inv. no. MC1156). The equestrian portrait, however, was likely over life-size or of colossal scale given additional description by Statius, although the poet may exaggerate the size. Ligorio captures the great scale of the statue as it rivals the roofs of nearby temples. Moreover, the inscription on the obverse legend of the coin presents Domitian in his seventeenth consulship as emperor, censor, and pater patriae: IMP CAES DOMIT AVG GERM COS XVII CENS PER P P (Imperator Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus Consul Septum Decimum Censoria Perpetuus Pater Patriae, "Emperor Caesar Domitian Augustus, Victor over the Germans, Consul for the seventeenth time, eternal censor, father of the state"). The date of the seventeenth consulship shows that the statue was presumably in place by the years 95 to 96. More importantly for Pirro Ligorio, the poem provides an approximate location for the Equus Domitiani in the center of the Forum Romanum beside the hallowed Lacus Curtius and surrounded by particular buildings. This poetic topography helped Ligorio to determine which direction the statue faced and the orientation of buildings to be mapped. Statius places the statue in the center of the Forum as an imposing colossal portrait statue with a base equal in size: <blockquote>“What mass, doubled by the colossus imposed above, stands having embraced the Latian forum?” Quae superimposito moles geminata colosso stat Latium complexa forum? --- “The base is equal to the statue. Facing here, he opens the threshold by the gift of his adopted son, he who is tired from war, who first shows our deities the way into the heavens.” par operi sedes. hinc obvia limina pandit qui fessus bellis adsertae munere prolis primus iter nostris ostendit in aethera divis.</blockquote> Ligorio appears to have been the first among early map-makers to depict the Equus Domitiani in the landscape of ancient Rome. The text of Statius thus was Ligorio’s primary source for this statue rather than art historical or archaeological information. In his treatise titled Paradosse, Ligorio makes note of the equestrian statue in relation to the Templum Pacis (Temple of Peace) set up by the emperor Vespasian, Domitian's father. Ligorio identifies the statue not as the Equus Domitiani, as inscribed in the map, but il cavallo di bronzo di Flavio Domitiano, “the Flavian Domitian’s bronze horse.” This description comes from Ligorio’s passage on locating Vespasian’s Temple of Peace, in which he attempts to enter the mindset of Statius and the ancient viewer: <blockquote> “So it follows that it was close to the Forum at the middle of the mentioned path. I think it is not likely that Papinius Statius, when he writes about the bronze horse of the Flavian Domitian making mention of all the other temples that were around it, if he had been standing in the Forum, has forgotten this (temple) of Peace, being one of the most magnificent things built in the Flavian Dynasty.” Onde ne seguita, che fosse prossimo al foro col mezzo della detta via. Senza che non è verisimile, che Stacio Papinio quando scrive il cavallo di bronzo di Flavio Domitiano facendo mentione di tutti gli altri Tempij, che gli erano d'intorno, havesse tacciuto questo della Pace, s'egli fosse stato nel Foro, essendo una delle piu magnifiche cose nella casa Flavia edificate.</blockquote> Ligorio is here referring to how Statius describes the surroundings of the statue in Silvae 1.1 (29-39): <blockquote>“But the steps of your flanks look up at the Julian roofs, there by the lofty Basilica of belligerent (Aemilius) Paullus. (The Temple of) Concord looks on with an agreeable face; your father looks on the back (from his temple). Your head, itself surrounded by pure air, shines high over the temples, and you seem to be looking out for whether the new Palatine arises more beautiful from the despised flames, or whether the Trojan fire watches by its silent torch, and already Vesta praises her investigated attendants. Your right hand prohibits fighting; the Tritonian maiden (Minerva) does not weigh down your left, even holding forth the head of Medusa beheaded: it incites the horse as if by goads.” at laterum passus hinc Iulia tecta tuentur, illinc belligeri sublimis regia Pauli, terga pater blandoque videt Concordia vultu. ipse autem puro celsum caput aere saeptus templa superfulges et prospectare videris, an nova contemptis surgant Palatia flammis pulchrius, an tacita vigilet face Troicus ignis atque exploratas iam laudet Vesta ministras. dextra vetat pugnas, laevam Tritonia virgo non gravat et sectae praetendit colla Medusae. ceu stimulis accendit equum. </blockquote> In sum, Domitian's portrait turns to the Palatine Hill. Statius describes the Equus Domitiani facing the Temple of Concord with the Temple of Vespasian at the rear. To the left of the statue is the Basilica Aemilia and to the right, the Basilica Julia. Following Ligorio, Bernardo Gamucci mentions the statue in his illustrated guidebook published first in 1565, and from then it continues to garner interest in maps of Rome or prints depicting the area. Ligorio’s inclusion of the statue in his innovative map of Rome was meant to arouse interest in the ancient city and its relics. Its archaeological appeal for the Renaissance audience stems from details noted in the ekphrastic poem. Following the placement of Domitian's statue in the Forum, Statius relates the Equus Domitiani to another prominent nearby equestrian statue of Julius Caesar. The statue, possibly a Lysippan original bronze, once represented a portrait of Alexander the Great until Julius Caesar's portrait replaced that of Alexander. The statue was set in the Forum Julium in front of the Temple of Venus, which Julius Caesar built (84-90): <blockquote>“The horse, which stands opposite the Latin Dione’s temple, at the seat of Caesar’s Forum, should yield, the horse which you, Lysippus, dared to hand down to the Pellaean general (Alexander), the horse which soon wondered at the face of Caesar on its neck. Scarcely should you seek out in faint light how far down it looked on this man from that point. Who is so crude that, when he has seen both, will not say that the rulers are as different as the horses?” Cedat equus Latiae qui contra templa Diones Caesarei stat sede fori quem traderis ausus Pellaeo, Lysippe, duci; mox Caesaris ora mirata cervice tulit: vix lumine fesso explores quam longus in hunc despectus ab illo. quis rudis usque adeo qui non, ut viderit ambos, tantum dicat equos quantum distare regentes?</blockquote> The latter lines also likely were intended to distinguish the pose of Domitian's horse from that of Julius Caesar reworked from Alexander. A bronze statuette representing Alexander the Great on horseback, now in Naples, shows Alexander/Julius on a rearing horse. This presumably is the same type as Alexander's Granikos Monument. The Equus Domitiani, according to Statius, would have been observed differently, meaning that it more likely matches the pose seen on Domitian's bronze sesterius. Because of these passages, modern scholars have intensely investigated the archaeological remains at the center of the Forum Romanum around the Lacus Curtius to seek out remnants of the Equus Domitiani to little avail. Excavations carried out from 1902 to 1903 by Giacamo Boni in the center of the Forum Romanum near the Lacus Curtius revealed remnants of what appeared to be a concrete statue base measuring approximately 11.8 meters long and approximately 5.9 meters wide. The blocks attributed to this base were found at a level cutting into the main cuniculus and cross-passage dated to the Flavian period; the base therefore seemed to be contemporary with the dedication of Domitian's statue. Rodolfo Lanciani had noticed these blocks but did not think they belonged to Domitian's statue base. Cairoli Giuliani and Patrizia Verduchi, who excavated the same area later, showed that the level of pavement attributed to the conjectural Domitianic base in fact lay higher up, indicating an earlier date between Julius Caesar and Augustus for the statue base. Richardson, however, points instead to a group of blocks (measuring 7.8m wide by 12.2m long) located beside Boni’s base in the travertine pavement and respecting the concrete and cuniculi underneath, thus supporting a Domitianic date. Ligorio does not give any indication of knowledge about the archaeological traces of a statue at this central point in the poem, but his attentive use of Statius' Silvae as documentation for the image of the Forum attests to the engraver's scholarly ambitions with the 1561 map. In line with his scholarly interests, it is likely that Ligorio took the unofficial title Equus Domitiani for the statue from the later Latin commentaries on manuscripts of Statius rather than the poem itself. In the preface to the first book of the Silvae, Statius identifies the poem and statue as the ecus maximus: “The first little book has a sacred witness: since it had to use ‘beginning from Jove’. These hundred verses, which I made on the giant horse, for a most gracious emperor on the day after which he had dedicated the work, as I was ordered.” <blockquote>Primus libellus sacrosanctum habet testem: sumendum enim erat 'a Iove principium.' centum hos versus, quos in ecum maximum feci, indulgentissimo imperatori postero die quam dedicaverat opus, tradere est iussum.</blockquote> The title of the poem preserved in manuscripts, however, most often appears as Ecus Maximus Domitiani Imp. It is not until later in Latin commentaries on the Silvae that the spelling equus is paired with Domitiani. For this reason, it is most likely that Ligorio consulted a later manuscript of the Latin text for the title. The manuscript tradition of the Silvae of Statius emerged from antiquity in ca. 1417 C.E. with a now lost codex produced by Francesco Poggio Bracceolini who copied his own manuscript from Madrid where the surviving text of the Silvae was discovered. This modified spelling and title of the statue indicates the influence of Latin texts on Ligorio’s considerations in labeling the map. For his portrayal of Domitian's equestrian statue as a monument on the map, Ligorio created a composite image based, in part, on multiple numismatic images from the reverses of Flavian coins and comparisons with the extant Equestrian Statue of Marcus Aurelius now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori of the Musei Capitolini in Rome (Fig. 3). It is not clear whether or not Ligorio knew of the bronze sestertius thought to represent the statue, but because of its rarity, Ligorio’s observation is unlikely (Fig. 1). Among Ligorio’s extensive collection of numismatic drawings from his Libri delle medaglie da Cesare a Marco Aurelio Commodo are representations of three reverse images of coins from the principates of Vespasian and Domitian exhibiting equestrian images, all of which survive (Fig. 4). Yet, the bronze sestertius depicting Domitian on horseback that most closely resembles Ligorio’s engraving of the statue is conspicuously absent. The peculiarity of how Ligorio represents the Equus Domitiani on the 1561 map may perhaps be best explained by Ligorio’s smaller 1552 map of Rome (Fig. 5). The earlier map shows not the Equus Domitiani but the Equestrian Statue of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitoline. Between the two maps, the two equestrian statues are depicted in exactly the same fashion and facing the same direction. A print of the Campidoglio in Filippo de Rossi’s later Ritratto di Roma antica (Rome, 1654) shows a similar treatment of the Marcus Aurelius' equestrian statue from the other side and with the omission of Domitian's statue (Fig. 6). The omission of the Equus Domitiani by later map-makers such as de Rossi underscores Ligorio's attention both to details of the archaeological and literary record as well as his goal of providing as accurate an image of the ancient city as possible. In the larger map of 1561, Ligorio omits the statue of Marcus Aurelius altogether. It seems that he substituted the statue of Domitian, possibly because of how integral Silvae 1.1 proved for reconstructing other buildings around the Forum in relation to what he erroneously thought was the Templum Pacis (ruins which are now known to belong to the Basilica of Maxentius and Constantine). Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Primary Sources: <ul> <li>Courtney, E., (ed.), P. Papinius Stati: Silvae, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990. </li> <li>Davis, M. D., (ed.), "Del Tempio della Pace," Pirro Ligorio: Libro di M. Pyrrho Ligori Napolitano delle antichità di Roma, nel quale si tratta de’ circi, theatri e anfitheatri, con le Paradosse del medesimo auttore, quai confutano la commune opinione sopra varii luoghi della città di Roma (Venice, 1553). Accessed December 16, 2015. http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/artdok/volltexte/2008/562 </li> <li>Ligorio, P., Libri delle medaglie da Cesare a Marco Aurelio Commodo. Ed. P. Serafin Pedrillo. Torino: de Luca Editori d'Arte, 2013. </li> <li>Mattingly, H. and E. A. Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coins: Vespasian to Domitian, Vol. 2. London: Spink, 1923.</li> </ul> Other Rare Book Sources: <ul> <li>de Rossi, F., Ritratto di Roma antica, Rome, 1654. [Available <a title="de Rossi, Ritratto di Roma antica" href="https://openlibrary.org/books/OL23337682M/Ritratto_di_Roma_antica" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">online</a>] </li> <li>Gamucci, B., Le antichita della citta di Roma: raccolte sotta brevita da diversi antichi & moderni scrittori. Venice: Appresso Giovanni Varisco & Co., 1580. [First published in 1565 under title: Libri quattro dell' antichità della città di Roma] [Available <a title="Gamucci Le antichita della citta di Roma" href="https://archive.org/details/00830432.5230.emory.edu">online</a>]</li> </ul> Secondary Sources: <ul> <li>Babut, E., “Les statues équestres du Forum,” in Melanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 20 (1900): 209-222. </li> <li>Bergemann, J., Römische Reiterstatuen: Ehrendenkmäler im öffentlichen Bereich, Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1990. </li> <li>Boni, G., “Foro Romano,” in Atti del Congresso internazionale di scienzestoriche (Roma, 1-9 aprile 1903), (Rome 1904-1907), 574-577. </li> <li>Cantilena, R. and P. Rubino, eds., Domiziano/Nerva: La statua equestre da Miseno, una proposta di ricomposizione, Naples: Macchiaroli, 1987. </li> <li>Carradice, I., Coinage and Finance in the Reign of Domitian, Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1984. </li> <li>Coarelli, F., Rome and Environs: An Archaeological Guide, Trans. by J. J. Clauss, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007. </li> <li>Coffin, D. R., Pirro Ligorio: The Renaissance Artist, Architect, and Antiquarian, University Park: PA: Pennsylvania University Press, 2004. </li> <li>Darwall-Smith, R. H., Emperors and Architecture: A Study of Flavian Rome. Collection Latomus 231. Brussels: Revue d'Etudes Latines, 1996. </li> <li>Geyssen, J. W. Imperial Panegyric in Statius: A Literary Commentary on Silvae 1.1. New York: P. Lang, 1996. </li> <li>Lanciani, R., Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome (London 1897). </li> <li>Platner, S. B. and T. Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, Oxford, 1929. ["Equus Domitiani," Available <a title="Equus Domitiani entry in Platner and Ashby" href="http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/Europe/Italy/Lazio/Roma/Rome/_Texts/PLATOP*/Equus_Domitiani.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">online</a>] </li> <li>Richardson, L., "Equus Domitiani," A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992. </li> <li>Thomas, M., “(Re)locating Domitian's Horse of Glory: The Equus Domitiani and Flavian Urban Design,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 49 (2004): 21-46. </li> <li>Varner, E. R., From Caligula to Constantine: Tyranny and Transformation in Roman Portraiture, Atlanta: Michael C. Carlos Museum, 2000.</li> </ul> <ul> <li> Wasserstein, A., “The Manuscript Tradition of Statius’ Silvae,” Classical Quarterly 3:1-2 (1953): 69-78. </li> <li>Wood, S., “Public Images of the Flavian Dynasty: Sculpture and Coinage,” In ed. A. Zissos, A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome, Malden, MA: Wiley, 2016, 129-146.</li> </ul> https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/4cc72f71472dce4d16092f6841875a39.jpeg 59d6285584146f9600b1bf58409c41c9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Illustration from B. Gamucci, Le Antichità della Città di Roma, 1580 https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/6532d1d9cefa2b1b3dcf9bd0dc29ec5f.jpeg 783ea8f0a68b62fe3f1a55e1d34ea721 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 1. The remains of the Septizodium/Septizonium with its fragmentary inscription visible in the first story architrave. Engraving with etching after Giovanni Ambrogio Brambilla, 1582, published by Claudio Duchetti, republished after 1691 by Domenico De Rossi, 47.3 x 32.4 cm, Michael C. Carlos Museum, 2012.2.16 (source: Michael C. Carlos Museum). https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/26ce0616943e8f5b512d4f8518fc73ee.jpeg 48df33e00719b9d5d91e36865263f487 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 2. Reconstruction of the Septizonium by Christian Hülsen, 1886 (from Septizonium des Septimius Severus, pl. 4). https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/fbb503ebea95c8af16ad3d881a0f73ea.jpeg 61f478d572e57c9c54886f693a42f843 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 3. Ligorio’s reconstruction of the Septizodium, which he labels the Septizonium Vetus, as a colonnaded structure of seven stories. https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/b6d2ad29c806b47a338a98373ba7eb6c.jpeg b16a74e8261d43cfb442cd0cf0769dd0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 4. Marble fragment of a reclining river god discovered during archeological excavations of the Septizonium, 120 x 120 cm, Rome, Palatine Museum, Inv. 425524 (source: K. Cupello). https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/f8dbf7c4670ef3e1a982a11deafbb1bb.jpeg 9680fd40f1672276689f946b90e2cc76 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Caracalla https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/c7e62869bdb718b171cd19f535004adb.jpeg 642c4d8c40fdaff8e8881b5683f3960f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Septimius Severus Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Septizonium Vetus Description An account of the resource Until the late 16th century, the vestiges of an elusive imperial monument, commonly known as the Septizonium or Septizodium (Figure 1), stood at the foot of the SE corner of the Palatine Hill where the Via Appia reached the Circus Maximus. The Septizonium was a monumental public fountain complex or nymphaeum dedicated to the emperor Septimius Severus (r. 193-211 C.E.) and his son Caracalla (r. 198-217 C.E.). The dedication of the monument is dated to either 202 or 203 C.E. (Lusnia [2004] 108; Lusnia [2006] 196). Originally measuring 93-95 m long and 29.87 m high (Pisani Sartorio [1999] 270), the Septizonium presented a theater-like, three-story façade of alternately projecting and receding sections which screened the accumulated architecture of the Palatine (Figure 2). An array of costly polychromatic stones, including grey granite, alabaster, white marble, africano, pavonazzetto, cipollino, and giallo antico, would have combined with water features and sculpture to create an impressive sight (Pisani Sartorio [1999] 269-70). This feature together with the combination of vertically and spirally fluted columns led to the belief that the Septizonium made use of spoliated materials (e.g. Gamucci [1580] 82), but this has proved to be false. The richness of its materials is what led Pope Sixtus V (1585-1590) to order the destruction of what remained of the Septizonium so that the stones could be harvested for his building projects. The work was carried out between 1588 and 1589 by Domenico Fontana, who fortunately kept detailed records (Stevenson [1888]). Today nothing of the Septizonium exists above its foundations. The Septizonium has a complicated historiography owing to the nature of the available ancient testimony and the confusion surrounding its name. Septizonium is the name provided in the regionary catalogues (the Curiosum and Notia), the lists of Rome’s important monuments compiled in the 4th century C.E. and attributed to the authors Publius Victor and Sextus Rufus in the 16th century. These catalogues, arranged according to Rome’s 14 regions, were incredibly important for the creation of Ligorio’s map. Two ancient literary sources make mention of the Septizonium. The 4th century C.E. historian Ammianus Marcellinus (15.7.3) refers to the monument, which he calls the Septemzodium, as a nymphaeum constructed by Marcus … imperator (read the passage <a title="Ammianus Marcellinus on Lacus Curtius" href="http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Ammian/15*.html" target="_blank">here</a>). This erroneus attribution most likely refers to the beginning of the dedicatory inscription, which named Marcus Aurelius (r. 161-180 C.E.) as the father of Septimius Severus. In fact, the inscription in its entirety seems to have been a testament to the genealogy which Septimius constructed for himself. He claimed Marcus Aurelius as his adopted father and rehabilitated the memory of Marcus’ condemned son Commodus (r. 181-192 C.E.) as his deified brother. Septimius could therefore claim descent from the series of “good emperors” beginning with Nerva (r. 96-98 C.E.). Reconstruction of the Septizonium’s now lost inscription, originally located on the architrave of the first story, has necessarily relied upon a written commentary found in the 9th century Codex Einsidlensis and visual renderings such as the engraved view in Figure 1 (CIL VI 1032, 31229; Lusnia [2006] 196). The second ancient text to discuss the Septizonium is the troublesome compilation of imperial biographies known as the Historia Augusta, typically ascribed to the 4th or 5th century (read more at <a title="Livius.org, Historia Augusta" href="http://www.livius.org/hi-hn/ha/hist_aug.html" target="_blank">livius.org)</a>. According to the biography of Septimius Severus, the Septizonium was intended as an entrance to the imperial residence on the Palatine meant to visually confront travellers on the Via Appia, particularly those from the emperor’s home province of Africa. <blockquote> Cum Septizonium faceret, nihil aliud cogitavit, quam ut ex Africa venientibus suum opus occurreret. Nisi absente eo per praefectum urbis medium simulacrum eius esset locatum, aditum Palatinis aedibus, id est regium atrium, ab ea parte facere voluisse perhibetur. When he [Septimius] built the Septizonium he had no other thought than that his building should strike the eyes of those who came to Rome from Africa. It is said that he wished to make an entrance on this side of the Palatine mansion—the royal dwelling, that is—and he would have done so had not the prefect of the city planted his [Septimius'] statue in the centre of it while he was away. (Historia Augusta, <a title="Historia Augusta, Biography of Septimius Severus" href="http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Septimius_Severus*.html">Severus</a>, 24.3-4, trans. D. Magie) </blockquote> Like many other architects and antiquarians from the Renaissance onwards, Ligorio allowed the root of the monument’s title (sept) to guide his reconstruction of the Septizonium as an edifice with seven stories (Figure 3). He clearly had in mind the remains still visible at the time of the map’s creation (Figure 1). Many reconstructions from the Renaissance onwards conceptualized the Septizonium as a structure sub-divided into seven vertical or horizontal architectural zones. How these zones ought to be defined, however, was an issue continually under discussion (e.g. Roisecco [1750] 448). It also happens that ancient astrology counted the main planetary bodies as seven: Sun-Sol, Moon-Luna, Mars, Mercury, Venus, Jupiter, and Saturn. For this reason some speculated that the Septizonium originally incorporated astrological concepts in some way, perhaps in its decorative scheme (Lusnia [2004] 524). In the year following the publication of Ligorio’s map, a remarkable discovery infused the mystery surrounding the Septizonium with additional evidence. Fragments of what we call the Severan Marble Plan or the Forma Urbis Romae were uncovered at the Basillica of Santi Cosma e Damiano, located next to the Temple of Faustina and Antoninus on the northern side of the Roman Forum. The Forma Urbis was an intricately detailed map of the city rendered in plan view and carved into 150 slabs of marble, which altogether measured approximately 18 x 13 meters or 60 x 43 feet. The map was produced at some point between 202/203 and 211 CE in the co-emperorship of Septimius Severus and Caracalla and was mounted to a wall in the Flavian forum commonly referred to as the Templum Pacis. Unfortunately, only 10-15% of this massive marble map currently exists. Please visit the <a title="Stanford Digital Forma Urbis Romae Project" href="http://formaurbis.stanford.edu/index.html" target="_blank">Stanford Digital Forma Urbis Romae Project</a> to learn more about the Forma Urbis, the history of its study and reconstruction, and the efforts to create digital models of the fragments. An annotated bibliography is also available on the Stanford website. Among the remnants of the Forma Urbis are a few fragments that retain portions of the Septizonium (see <a href="http://formaurbis.stanford.edu/index.php" target="_blank">Stanford fragment 7abcd</a>). We have parts of the monument’s name (in the form of Septizodium) and the southern section, consisting of two hemi-cycles and an anta fronted by a colonnade. One of the hemi-cycles contains a small square which may represent the statue base for the image of Septimius Severus mentioned in the passage quoted above. Given the fact that the fragments of the Forma Urbis preserve only a partial footprint of the Septizonium, the original form and function of the monument remained matters of conjecture until the 1980s (Chini and Mancioli [1986, 1987-88, 1989-90]; Iacopi, Pisani Sartorio and Tedone [1986]; Pisani Sartorio, Chini and Mancioli [1987]; Iacopi and Tedone [1990, 1993]; see also Pisani Sartorio [1999] 270; Lusnia [2004] 521-22; Longfellow [2011] 164-72 ). Archeological excavations located the foundations of the Septizonium in precisely the location shown on the Forma Urbis and affirmed details of the reconstructions proposed by Hülsen (Figure 2) and others near the turn of the 20th century. The excavations also confirmed the presence of hydraulic components, including a porphyry water basin and a single fragment of figural decoration (Figure 4). The sculpture in Figure 4 represents a half-draped river god reclining against either a tiger or a wolf. For those who argue for a tiger, the Tigris river is represented (e.g. Lusnia [2004], 522). For those who argue for a wolf, the Tiber river is represented (e.g. Longfellow [2011], 170-72). Whatever its identity, the animal’s body has a cutting for a pipe that would have caused water to flow from its mouth. Interestingly, one of the additional names applied to the remains of the Septizonium in the medieval period was Septisolium, seven tubs. This term retained the memory of water despite the fact that the Septizonium’s function was no longer known. The Septizonium partially collapsed at some point in the medieval period and the sections that remained standing became part of the fortifications built by the Frangipani family in the 10th century. Pope Gregory VII (1073-85) took refuge here when the Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV (r. 1084-1105) marched upon the city in 1084 (Pisani Sartorio [1999] 269-70). For the designation of the Septizonium as a tomb, see the <a title="Septizonium Severi" href="/items/show/2" target="_blank">Septizonium Severi</a>. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource K. E. Cupello Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <div class="bibliography"> Sources Available from the Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library (MARBL) at Emory University <ul><li>Donati, A., Roma vetus ac recens, 3rd ed. (Rome 1725) 338-39. [available <a title="Donati 1725" href="http://archive.org/details/04182238.5232.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> <li>Gamucci, B., Le antichità della citta di Roma raccolte sotto brevita da diversi antichi & moderni scrittori, 2nd ed. (Venice 1580) 81-4. [available <a title="Gamucci 1580" href="http://archive.org/stream/00830432.5230.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> <li>Roisecco, G., Roma antica, e moderna, vol. 1 (Rome 1750) 447-48. [available <a title="Roisecco 1750" href="http://archive.org/details/04801157.5610.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> </ul>Other Rare Book Sources <ul><li>Marliani, G. B., Urbis Romae Topographia (Rome 1544) 68.</li> </ul>Secondary Sources <ul><li>Chini, P. and D. Manicioli, “Il Settizodio, saggi di scavo considerazioni preliminari,” BullCom 91 (1986) 241-62.</li> <li>Chini, P. and D. Manicioli, “Il Settizodio,” BullCom 92 (1987-88) 346-53.</li> <li>Chini, P. and D. Manicioli, “Il Settizodio,” BullCom 93 (1989-90) 104-07.</li> <li>Claridge, A., Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide, 2nd ed. (Oxford 2010).</li> <li>Coarelli, F., Rome and Environs: An Archaeological Guide, J. J. Clauss and D. P. Harmon trans. (Berkeley and Los Angeles 2007).</li> <li>Gorrie, C., “The Septizodium of Septimius Severus Revisited: the Monument in Its Historical and Urban Context,” Latomus 60.3 (2001) 653-70.</li> <li>Hülsen, C., Das Septizonium des Septimius Severus. Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste der Archäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin 46 (Berlin 1886).</li> <li>Iacopi, I., G. Pisani Sartorio and G. Tedone, “Il Settizodio,” BullCom 91 (1986) 498-99.</li> <li>Iacopi, I. and G. Tedone, “Il Settizodio severiano,” Bollettino di archeologia 1-2 (1990) 149-55.</li> <li>Iacopi, I. and G. Tedone, “La ricostruzione del Settizodio severiano,” Bollettino di archeologia 19-21 (1993) 1-12.</li> <li>Iacopi, I., M. A. Tomei and P. Meogrossi, “Complesso Severiano,” BullCom 91 (1986) 486-98.</li> <li>Longfellow, B., Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage: Form, Meaning, and Ideology in Monumental Fountain Complexes (Cambridge and New York 2011).</li> <li>Lusnia, S., “Urban Planning and Sculptural Display in Severan Rome: Reconstructing the Septizodium and Its Role in Dynastic Politics,” AJA 108.4 (2004) 517-44.</li> <li>Lusnia, S., “Redating the Septizodium and Severan Propaganda,” in C. Mattusch, A. A. Donohue and A. Brauer, eds., Common Ground: Archaeology, Art, Science, and Humanities. Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Boston, August 23-26 2003 (Oxford 2006) 196-99.</li> <li>Pisani Sartorio, G., P. Chini and D. Mancioli, “Indagini archeologiche nell’area del Settizodio severiano,” Archeologia laziale 8 (1987) 57-69.</li> <li>Pisani Sartorio, G., “Septizonium, Septizodium, Septisolium (2)” in LTUR, vol. 4 (Rome 1999) 269-71.</li> <li>Richardson, L., Jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Baltimore 1992) 350.</li> <li>Stevenson, E., “Il Settizonio Severiano e la distruzione dei suoi avanzi sotto Sisto V,” BullCom (1888) 269-98.</li> <li>Thomas, E., “Metaphor and identity in Severan architecture: the Septizodium at Rome between ‘reality’ and ‘fantasy’,” in S. Swain, S. Harrison and J. Elsner eds., Severan Culture (Cambridge and New York 2007) 327-67.</li> </ul></div> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 30, 2014 https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/aedd69bbc2bd1ffffef60e3b4cef79fd.jpeg 7fbacb01636f7cdf2c5dcf76ab895d89 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 1. Septizonium entry from de Rossi, Ritratto di Roma Antica, 1654 (source: openlibrary.org). https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/5a3f00acdfe83288d53789fc499033f5.jpeg 9d8b247449d538c5e9392eff2249b46c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 2. Ligorio’s reconstructions of the Septizonium Vetus (left) and the Septizonium Severi (right). https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/dcd8de5745d5e27a53e0e3eb3a4956eb.jpeg 712da5179c3e4fb95c8d1a2783321203 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Figure 3. Bronze sestertius commemorating the deification of Antoninus Pius minted by Marcus Aurelius, 161 C.E. The obverse bears the portrait of Divus Antoninus and the reverse an image of the funerary pyre with the legend CONSECRATIO SC. New York, American Numismatic Society, 1944.100.48314, 29.25 g, 35 mm (source: ANS numismatics.org). https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/4b2191059327a1be1df62ff208f6de4b.jpeg dcebc214bf3079564f0547cdf9819972 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Aureus of Geta as emperor Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Septizonium Severi Description An account of the resource see also <a title="Septizonium Vetus" href="/items/show/3" target="_blank">Septizonium Vetus</a> for the Severan nymphaeum at the southeastern corner of the Palatine Hill (map plate 7) <blockquote> Funus Getae accuratius fuisse dicitur quam eius qui fratri videretur occisus. Inlatusque est maiorum sepulchro, hoc est Severi, quod est in Appia Via euntibus ad portam dextra, specie Septizonii exstructum, quod sibi ille vivus ornaverat. The funeral of Geta was too splendid, it is said, for a man supposed to have been killed by his brother [Caracalla]. He was laid in the tomb of his ancestors, of [Septimius] Severus, that is, on the Via Appia at the right as you go to the gate; it was constructed after the manner of the Septizonium, which Severus during his life had embellished for himself. (Historia Augusta, <a title="Historia Augusta, Geta" href="http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Geta*.html" target="_blank">Geta</a>, 7.1-2, trans. D. Magie) </blockquote> When the emperor Septimius Severus (r. 193-211 C.E.) died in Feburary of 211 C.E., he named his sons Caracalla (r. 198-217 C.E.) and Geta as co-emperors. This arrangement, however, did not last long. On December 26, 211 C.E., Caracalla had his younger brother murdered and condemned his memory in the most thorough case of memory sanctions known from Roman history. These sanctions, referred to as damnatio memoriae by modern scholars, included the destruction of Geta’s images and the erasure of his name from inscriptions and other public documents among other actions (Varner [2004] 156, 168). The Historia Augusta, the dubious 4th or 5th century collection of imperial biographies quoted above (read more at <a title="Historia Augusta" href="http://www.livius.org/hi-hn/ha/hist_aug.html" target="_blank">livius.org</a>), states that Geta was interred in a tomb built by his father on the Via Appia. Given that much of what occupied Renaissance and Early Modern antiquarians was the mining of ancient texts for information about the urban fabric of ancient Rome, Pirro Ligorio and his colleagues naturally sought out this supposed tomb of the Severans. According to the 1654 publication of Filippo de Rossi’s Ritratto di Roma Antica, there were two structures with the name Septizonium, as shown in Figure 1 (access the entire volume <a title="de Rossi, Ritratto di Roma Antica 1654" href="https://archive.org/stream/ritrattodiromaan00ross#page/n1/mode/2up" target="_blank">here</a>). The <a title="Septizonium Vetus" href="/items/show/3" target="_blank">new Septizonium</a> was the monumental nymphaeum built by Septimius Severus (r. 193-211 C.E.) at the southeastern corner of the Palatine Hill in the early 3rd century C.E. The remains of the Severan structure were visible until the demolition project of 1588-1589 initiated by Pope Sixtus V (1585-1590). The other Septizonium, which de Rossi calls the Settizonio vecchio or old Septizonium, has two possible identifications. First, there was a tradition connected with the church dedicated to Saints Nereus and Achilleus on the Via Appia near the Baths of Caracalla/Thermae Antoninianae (map plate 8). There was a tradition that this church was erected on the spot where Saint Peter, fleeing from prison in Rome, lost the bandage covering the leg wound caused by his fetters. Thus the church was also known under its titular name Fasciola, little bandage. As de Rossi says, the bandage episode occurred at or near the Settisolio (seven tubs), another name for the Septizonium. He goes on to say that some associate this old Septizonium with a passage at the beginning of Suetonius’ Life of the Deified Titus, which says that the Flavian emperor was born in a house near the Septizonium, that is the Settizonio vecchio. Since Suetonius wrote in the early 2nd century C.E., there was some edifice called a Septizonium at that time; however, we have no further information regarding its location nor its appearance (Pisani Sartorio [1999] 268). The illustration that accompanies de Rossi’s text in Figure 1 clearly demonstrates a relationship with the two reconstructed Septizonia found on Ligorio’s map (Figure 2). Note, however, that the names are reversed. What Ligorio calls the Septizonium Vetus (Old Septizonium), de Rossi calls the Settizonio di Severo (Septizonium of Severus); what Ligorio calls the Septizonium Severi (Septizonium of Severus), de Rossi calls the Settizonio vecchio (Old Septizonium). As with the Septizonium Vetus, Ligorio has taken the numerical root sept and created a seven-tiered structure. He has included colonnades, numerous statues, and a crowning temple surmounted by a quadriga group. A quadriga is a four-horse chariot, and this type of sculpture was often used to connote victory. A second quadriga group is located above the main street-level door. In de Rossi’s illustration, some of the statuary has been removed and the topmost quadriga group replaced with a standing figure holding a staff. The curious wedding cake-like form of Ligorio’s Septizonium Severi is perhaps related to the notion that the Septizonium acted as a tomb for the Severan family. Ligorio’s manuscripts in Torino contain an entry for the Mausoleum of Hadrian (map plate 9) illustrating a coin very similar to that shown in Figure 3. Ligorio interpreted the tiered image on the reverse of the coin as the tomb of the emperor; he was, however, incorrect. What the coins depicts is the ustrinum, the funerary pyre that symbolized the deification of the emperor (Burns [1988] 28-9). As he has done with other structures like the circuses, Ligorio has taken the image from the coin as a stand-in type for an imperial mausoleum. If Ligorio was thinking of the second Septizonium as the tomb of Severus, then it follows that he would have applied the multi-tier concept to his reconstruction of the Septizonium Severi as with the Mausoleum of Hadrian and the Mausoleum of Augustus (map plate 5). We know now that the Severan tomb referred to in the Historia Augusta likely did not exist and may be the result of a problem in the manuscripts. Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna, and their sons Caracalla and Geta were buried in the Mausoleum of Hadrian as befit their adoption into the Antonine family (Papi [1999] 298). Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource K. E. Cupello Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <div> <div class="bibliography"> Sources Available from the Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library (MARBL) at Emory University <ul><li>Donati, A., Roma vetus ac recens, 3rd ed. (Rome 1725) 338-39. [available <a title="Donati 1725" href="http://archive.org/details/04182238.5232.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> <li>Gamucci, B., Le antichità della citta di Roma raccolte sotto brevita da diversi antichi & moderni scrittori, 2nd ed. (Venice 1580) 81-4. [available <a title="Gamucci 1580" href="http://archive.org/stream/00830432.5230.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> <li>Roisecco, G., Roma antica, e moderna, vol. 1 (Rome 1750) 447-48. [available <a title="Roisecco 1750" href="http://archive.org/details/04801157.5610.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> <li>Roisecco, G., Roma antica, e moderna, vol. 3 (Rome 1750) 129. [available <a title="Roisecco Volume 3" href="http://archive.org/details/04801157.5607.emory.edu" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> </ul>Other Rare Book Sources <ul><li>de Rossi, F., Ritratto di Roma antica (Rome 1654) 218-19. [available <a title="de Rossi, Ritratto di Roma antica" href="https://openlibrary.org/books/OL23337682M/Ritratto_di_Roma_antica" target="_blank">online</a>]</li> </ul>Secondary Sources <ul><li>Burns, H., “Pirro Ligorio’s Reconstruction of Ancient Rome,” in R. W. Gaston ed., Pirro Ligorio: Artist and Antiquarian (Villa I Tatti. The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies 10, Florence 1988) 19-92.</li> <li>Papi, E., “Sepulchrum: Severi,” in LTUR, vol. 4 (Rome 1999) 298.</li> <li>Pisani Sartorio, G., “Septizonium (1),” in LTUR, vol. 4 (Rome 1999) 268-69.</li> <li>Varner, E. R., Mutilation and Transformation: Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture (Leiden 2004).</li> </ul></div> </div> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 30, 2014 https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/52e9b79d3be5d0008159b06c5a4efedd.jpeg 76e0f74f829ea5ff8ad883c8f620ae93 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Misidentification of the Amphitheatrum Castrense The Amphitheatrum Castrense was once erroneously identified as the Amphitheater of Statilius Taurus (source: F. de Rossi, Ritratto di Roma antica nel quale sono figurati [Rome 1654]) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/b28f46f78d83dfe5c558365d6e702c75.jpeg dc46f675b8055a8127899933ac2e04a1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Amphitheatrum Castrense Exterior view (source: E. Varner) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/50329b70b0e5d39db38e493da8a523a4.jpeg 2803e19ed241b8ef6940ce10a6dcc2a1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Elagabalus (r. A.D. 217-222) Rome, Musei Capitolini (source: Flickr, Elagabalus (http://www.flickr.com/photos/mharrsch/9941978) / Mary Harrsch (http://www.flickr.com/photos/mharrsch/) / CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/)) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/fc5a64c9c43b76160c730a9a81d6c0ed.jpeg 56e6e1069e41f0d558906fec319ce878 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource View of the Amphitheatrum Castrense A print image depicting the remains of the amphitheater with its three storey articulation (source: Donati 1725) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/2fea59e63e8e624c93488c546bdd040b.jpeg 68d7268345ed1f6511f7ec247e7cf1ca Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Amphitheatrum Castrense, exterior detail Semi-columns and pilasters of the first and second storeys (source: E. Varner) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/943986000e06a981a73993951bb547fb.jpeg 6458ff69859020d333d8298849ac3856 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Amphitheatrum Castrense, semi-column detail Brick semi-column with Corinthian capital and travertine plinth (source: E. Varner) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/9f9980646ed4bf4c0d4f8fdffcaaa49d.jpeg d3e00f50d4355510d6aed93d74987287 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Aurelian Walls Constructed in the 3rd century A.D. by the emperor Aurelian (source: E. Varner) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/d760ce7217b91a4d8a222cef290560ab.jpeg 9d19353cbf46cde7b7047cef6994fbef Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Amphitheatrum Castrense & Surrounding Area View of the remains of the amphitheater, S. Croce in Gerusalemme and the Aurelian Walls (source: Sadeler 1660) https://viewsofrome.digitalscholarship.emory.edu/files/original/34fd31c542c084cb01eb62071da3220c.jpeg 13c8b12ae0daa5ffb5c62aefb6957040 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource S. Croce in Gerusalemme (source: E. Varner) Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Amphitheatrum Castrense Description An account of the resource The Amphitheatrum Castrense was constructed by the emperor Elagabalus (r. 217-222 C.E.) as part of an imperial residential complex, the so-called Sessorian Palace, which also included the adjacent Circus Varianus. This elliptical arena was modeled on the Colosseum and measured 88 x 77.8 m. It was constructed of brick-faced concrete. The exterior was articulated in three storeys. The first storey consisted of an arcade with attached semi-columns on travertine plinths and Corinthian capitals in brick. In the second storey arcade, the semi-columns were replaced by rectangular pilasters, also with travertine plinths and brick Corinthian capitals. In the attic storey, similar pilasters flanked square windows as at the Colosseum. Based on drawings of Dosio, Palladio and Peruzzi, the upper storey originally included travertine consoles to hold the supports for the arena’s awning, also similar to the Colosseum. The intimate scale of the Amphitheatrum Castrense suggests that it was used by the emperor for private spectacles and entertainment. Later in the 3rd century C.E. the amphitheater was incorporated into the new defensive walls, commonly known as the Aurelian Walls, constructed by the emperor Aurelian (r. 270-275 C.E.). Pirro Ligorio was the first to correctly identify this amphitheater (Burns [1988] 25). Ligorio’s identification was based on a close reading of the regionary catalogues, which placed the amphitheater in Regio V (the Esquiline). These regionary catalogues (the Curiosum and Notia) were compiled in the 4th century C.E. and listed the most important monuments then existing in Rome’s 14 regions. In the 16th century they were attributed to the authors Publius Victor and Sextus Rufus. Prior to Ligorio, the Amphitheatrum Castrense had been incorrectly associated with the Amphitheater of Statilius Taurus, which was actually located not on the Esquiline, but in the Campus Martius. Ligorio comments on the controversy: <blockquote> They would have it that the amphitheater that is at S. Croce in Gerusalemme is that of Statilius Taurus and they don’t let it be known that the Amphitheater of Statilius was of marble and this one is of brick and that that amphitheater was in the Campus Martius as <a title="Cassius Dio, LacusCurtius" href="http://www.livius.org/cao-caz/cassius/cassius_dio.html" target="_blank">Dio</a> writes in his 40th book [<a title="Cassius Dio translation of Book 51 on LacusCurtius" href="http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/51*.html" target="_blank">Loeb Classical Library translation, 51.23.1</a>]. Victor says in his texts, written in pen, that it was in the Circus Flaminius, which incorporated part of the Campus Martius. And this amphitheater of S. Croce was called by Publius “Castrense”. Essi vogliono, che l’Amphitheatro, che è à santa Croce in Hierusalem sia quello di Tauro Statilio, & non avertiscono che l’Amphitheatro di Statilio era di marmo, & quest’è di mattoni: che quello era in Campo Martio (come scrive Dione al quarantesimo libro) & Vittore dice nelli suoi testi scritti à penna, che era nel Circo Flaminio, il quale abbraciava in se parte del Campo Marzio. Et questo di Santa Croce da Publio fu appellato Castrense. (P. Ligorio, Libro, f. 38r. in Burns [1989] 53 n. 47; see also Negri [1989] 28) </blockquote> The imperial residence next to the amphitheater was used in the early 4th century C.E. by the empress Helena (246/50-330 C.E.), mother of Rome’s first Christian emperor Constantine (r. 306-337 C.E.). An atrium of this palace was later transformed into the church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme and the amphitheater was eventually annexed to its convent. The gardens of the convent are now contained within the remains of the amphitheater. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <div class="bibliography"> Sources Available from the Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library (MARBL) at Emory University <ul><li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 7th ed. (Leipzig 1881).</li> <li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 8th ed. (Leipzig 1883).</li> <li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 9th rev. ed. (Leipzig 1886).</li> <li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 11th ed. (Leipzig 1893).</li> <li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 12th ed. (Leipzig 1897).</li> <li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 13th ed. (Leipzig 1900).</li> <li>Baedeker, K., Italy Handbook for Travellers: Second Part: Central Italy and Rome, 15th ed. (Leipzig 1909).</li> <li>Barbault, J., Les plus beaux monuments de Rome ancienne, ou, recueïl des plus beaux morceaux de l’antiquité romaine qui existent encore (Rome 1761).</li> <li>Brun, G., Nuova raccolta di 100 vedute antiche della cittá di Roma e sue vicinanze (Rome 1820).</li> <li>Donati, A., Roma vetus ac recens, 3rd ed. (Rome 1725).</li> <li>Eschinardi, F., Espositione della carta topografica cingolana dell’ agro romano (Rome 1696).</li> <li>Fèa, C., Descrizione di Roma e de’ contorni, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (Rome 1822).</li> <li>Francini, G., Le cose maravigliose dell’ alma citta di Roma, di novo corrette ampliate et ornate di bellissime figure di rame (Rome 1625).</li> <li>Fulvio, A., Opera di Andrea Fulvio Delle antichità della città di Roma, et delli edificii memorabili di quella (Florence 1543).</li> <li>Gamucci, B., Le antichità della citta di Roma raccolte sotto brevita da diversi antichi & moderni scrittori, 2nd ed. (Venice 1580).</li> <li>Martinelli, F., Roma ricercata nel suo sito (Rome 1769).</li> <li>Roisecco, G., Roma antica, e moderna, vol. 2 (Rome 1750).</li> <li>Sadeler, M., Vestigi delle antichita di Roma, Tivoli, Pozzuolo et altri luochi (Rome 1660).</li> <li>Totti, P., Ristretto delle grandezze di Roma (Rome 1637).</li> <li>Venuti, R., Accurata e succinta descrizione topografica delle antichità di Roma, 2nd ed., vol. 1 (Rome 1803).</li> </ul>Secondary Sources <ul><li>Burns, H., “Pirro Ligorio’s Reconstruction of Ancient Rome,” in R. W. Gaston ed., Pirro Ligorio: Artist and Antiquarian (Villa I Tatti. The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies 10, Florence 1988) 19-92.</li> <li>Claridge, A., Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide, 2nd ed. (Oxford 2010).</li> <li>Coarelli, F., Rome and Environs: An Archaeological Guide, J. J. Clauss and D. P. Harmon trans. (Berkeley and Los Angeles 2007).</li> <li>Colini, A. M., “Horti Spei Veteres—Palatium Sessorianum,” MemPontAcc 8.3 (1955) 137-77.</li> <li>Lanciani, R., Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome (London 1897).</li> <li>Mancioli, D., “Horti Variani ad Spem Veterem,” in Roma Capitale 1870-1911. L’archeologia in Roma capitale tra sterro e scavo (Venice 1983) 197-200.</li> <li>Nash, E., Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome, vol. 1 (London 1961).</li> <li>Negri, D. ed., Pirro Ligorio. Delle Antichità di Roma. Circi, theatri, amphitheatri con numerose tavole e la pianta cinquecentesca di Roma (Rome 1989).</li> <li>Platner, S. B. and T. Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Oxford 1929).</li> <li>Richardson, L., Jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Chapel Hill 1992).</li> <li>Rocca, S. V., Guide Rionali di Roma. Rione XV Esquilino (Rome 1982).</li> <li>Volpe, R., “Amphitheatrum Castrense,” in LTUR, vol. 1 (Rome 1993) 19-20.</li> </ul></div> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 18, 2012 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Eric Varner